Make solar energy economical Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Make solar energy economical - Essay Example Solar energy technology is faced with engineering challenges however there follow ways of making it more efficient in its production, storage, and use. For example, most of solar cells today that is used for commercial purposes are highly made of silicon that converts electricity from sunlight, with less percentage of efficiency due to high manufacturing costs. Due to use of silicon material the cost of electricity production is three times higher which makes the engineering pauses need for cost-effective cells with low manufacturing costs (Simon, 2007). The current standard cells provide thirty-one percent efficiency due to use of silicon materials. Use of new materials for production by multilayer cells can increase the efficiency. There are also other ways of enhancing the efficiency of solar energy which includes the development of nanotechnology. This is the development of engineering structures which are effective compared to the use of molecules and atoms. This makes them effe ctive because one nanometer is equal to a billionth of one meter. Use of other materials like lead and selenium elements in the making of the cells which make a nanocrystal which is more cost effective and more efficient. With the use of standard cells, there is the production of excess heat when a photon releases an electron to carry the electric charge which makes it ineffective and inefficient enough. On the other hand use of nanocrystals made of selenium and lead elements produces extra electrons instead of heat.

Transformational Leader Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Transformational Leader - Case Study Example Gandhi respected the Hindu religion that he observed through out his life. His values and principles had basis on religion and the understanding of basic human rights, gained from his career in law. To Indians, Gandhi is the founding father of their nation. Gandhi lived according to his philosophy of creating harmony of thought, speech, and action (Allen, 2008). His philosophies are still worthwhile and applicable today. Mohandas was the last-born son of karamchand, from his fourth wife. Mohandas got into marriage at an early age, marrying his age mate. Theirs was an arranged marriage reflecting the Indian culture instilled in Gandhi. In his childhood, there was nothing peculiar, Gandhi lived to respect his parents and was an ordinary student in school (Jegen and Deats, 2005). In 1888, Gandhi left India for London, to further his studies. He spent three of his years studying law in London. Gandhi spent the first three months of his life trying to accustom himself to fit in the English culture but gave after he realized that he could handle a simple life better. He gave up on the English sophistication. He settled down to concentrate on his studies and obtained his degree in law. Gandhi travelled back to India after his studies to rejoin his wife and kids. Gandhi returned to India only to face disappointment because he could not get a job. Fortunately, an opportunity opened up in South Africa. He set out to South Africa, and his stay there transformed the soft-spoken Gandhi to a more assertive individual. In his first formal trip, he faced discrimination for being Indian. South Africa was under the British rule and the colonialists discriminated all other races. Gandhi chose to fight for the rights of Indians in South Africa. Therefore, he extended his stay in South Africa. The oppressing system did not allow Indians to vote and Gandhi wrote petitions concerning this issue. However, Gandhi was a man of his own kind in philosophy and he decided to fight

Death Represenataion in Sylvia Plaths Selected Poems Essay Example for Free

Death Represenataion in Sylvia Plaths Selected Poems Essay Death Representation in Sylvia Plaths Selected Poems Mohamed Fleih Hassan Instructor English Dept. / Abstract Death is one of the significant and recurrent themes in the poetry of Sylvia Plath. This paper aims at showing the poets attitudes towards death. Certain poems are selected to show the poets different attitudes to death: death as a rebirth or renewal, and death as an end. Most obvious factors shaped her attitudes towards death were the early death of her father that left her unsecured, and the unfaithfulness of her husband, Ted Hughes, who left her dejected and melancholic. Plaths Two views of a Cadaver Room, Sheep in Fog, A Birthday Present, Edge, and I Am Vertical are selected to outline her various perspectives towards death. Death Representation in Sylvia Plaths Selected Poems Generally speaking, death is represented in literature in various ways shifting from being an ominous terrifying force to a means of fulfillment and new beginnings. Death came to be a recurrent theme in Sylvia Plaths poetry due to the sudden death of her father. His death left the daughter with powerful feelings of defeat, resentment, grief and remorse. So the absence of the father had influenced her emotional life negatively to the extent that it is reflected clearly in her poems. Sylvia Plath (1932-1963) passed in periods of depression and there were precursors of suicidal act through fits of breakdown. Among the reasons for her early depression are the early death of her father that left her unsecured and her failure to attend a writing class at Harvard. Though she got a chair as a college guest-editor of the Mademoiselle, but she got monotonous with nothing to fall back on in New York. She broke down with the unfulfillment of her dream of being a successful writer. Therefore, she took an over-dose of sleeping-pills to end her misery, but she was saved. 1 After successful psychiatric sessions of recovery, Plath met Ted Hughes at Cambridge and they got married in 1956. She found in him a motive and substitute for the absence of the father. Hughes believed in her exceptional gift. In that period, the couple got success and fame with their poetic development, especially when they got children. Her poems had been published in Britain and America like, The Colossus 1960, which dealt with Plaths preoccupation with ideas of death and rebirth. Hughes love affair with another woman broke the heart of Plath, who suffered the devastation of the broken marriage. Shifting into a new flat in London, she started writing poems of rage, despair, love and vengeance but her poems were slowly accepted for publication. She suffered the traumatic breakdown and melancholia that she put her head in the oven in 11 April, 1963. 2 Death came to be a recurrent theme in the poetry of Sylvia Plath, and this theme has been represented in different ways in her poems. She did engage the reader either in a personal or an impersonal way to view death either as a liberating force or troubling depressing experience. Her depiction of death is reflected by the use of such techniques as imagery, language, structure, and tone. Her negative attitude towards death is caused by the early death of her father that left her dejected. In her poem Two views of a Cadaver Room (1959), she presents a pessimistic point of view towards death. This poem recounts an experience she had while dating a young Harvard medical student. She followed her boyfriend and some other medical students into an operating room where the students were busily dissecting a preserved corpse. The speaker and her boyfriend are horrified by the experience, the narrator offers two views of the cadaver room as alternate possibilities of depicting death in art; the physical view of death and the romantic view of death. One view is epitomized by the cadaver room contrasting the romantic one of death, which is represented by a detail from a Brueghel painting depicting two lovers, who are spell bounded by one another and careless to the destruction and devastation around them. The poem is written in two parts. The first part creates a futile setting in which things are described in a dissecting room, which suggests a mood of despondency. She did so by the use of wastelandish simile through comparing cadaver with burnt turkey: The day she visited the dissecting room They had four men laid out, black as burnt turkey, Already half unstrung. (II. 1-3) The place dissecting room suggests mercilessness and dehumanization. The dead bodies are anatomized and bones are removed which suggest a horrible image. The poetess compares death with the dissector, in which it takes off the spirit out of the body as did the doctor in dissecting the major constituents of bodies. Death here represents a terrifying force that annihilates mans life. The dissecting room serves as the epitome of scientific space, which is to say death’s space. And this is the space not only of female witnessing and female passivity, ‘she could scarcely make out anything/ In that rubble of skull plates and old leather’, but also of a bestowal from male to female, from male scientist to female poet. The process of dissecting the dead body indicates the savageness and carelessness of the surgeon, who cuts out the heart; the symbol of mans life and feelings. The surgeon is associated with death in the sense that he extracts the heart of the body, He hands her the cut-out heart like a cracked heirloom. The simile presents a very useless pessimistic image for the heart. The heart is not only reduced to a non-functioning machine, but a man hands death to a woman. The heart is the dearest to man and is compared to the heirloom which contains the memory of the dead, but it is uprooted maliciously. Death came to be an unavoidable inheritance. 4 In many of her poems, what Plath perceives is a death-figure which threatens to swallow her up unless she can reassert her living identity by fixing and thus immobilizing her enemy in a structured poetic image. Plath transforms death by assuming the role of a photo-journalist who observes the details in a way as to control the scene with the transforming power of language. She follows the technique of fusing various visual images in a meaningful way. Therefore, she transcends the literal immediacy of what she sees and creates order out of chaos. The second part paradoxes the first in showing a couple who are ignorant of the horrors of death. Their ignorance of the shadow of death around them intensifies their tragic catastrophic end: Two people only are blind to the carrion army: He, afloat in the sea of her blue satin Skirts, sings in the direction Of her bare shoulder, while she bends, Fingering a leaflet of music, over him, Both of th em deaf to the fiddle in the hands Of the death’s-head shadowing their song. (II. 13-19) Plath thinks that the second view was untenable. Confronting the literal physicality of death (as the narrator does in the first stanza), and ignoring that reality (as the lovers do in the Brueghel painting) seem hopelessly romantic and naive. The only way to relinquish the painful awareness of impending death is by relinquishing life itself. Plath committed suicide in her flat moving herself and her work into the domain of myth and psycho-mystical speculation. The second view of death is the bestowal of death that is interrupted by art. Paradoxically, this interruption of death by art is itself a kind of death, a freezing of life. The poem surveys with an eye which is blind and an ear which is deaf. If the lovers’ blindness and deafness to death’s music permits them to ‘flourish’, then this flourishing is ‘not for long’. Paradoxically, the work of art saves from death by paralyzing or fixing the living in an absolute present, which is to say a perfected present, but without future: This stalling of death’s triumph by art, this resistance of art to death, is itself a kind of death, since it reminds us that those lovers captured in art’s absolute present can do nothing at all. Just as there are two kinds of music here – the death’s-head’s and the lovers’ – so art is not placed in any simple opposition to death. 6 There are two kinds of death: on the one hand, death as process, as rebirth or renewal, as imaginary; and, on the other hand, death as end, as factuality. Plath rides into death in Sheep in Fog (1963) but death is no longer conceived as renewal. The objective in ‘Sheep in Fog’ becomes the ‘dark water’: They threaten To let me through to a heaven Starless and fatherless, a dark water. (II. 13-15) The sense of dissolution is overpowering in this poem through thee description of the background of the poem. Each line and each stanza of the poem concerns the disappearance of something. hills step off into whiteness, Morning has been blackening and the starless heaven leave her dejected and wretched. 7 Sheep in Fog suggests that there is a radical sundering of poet and poetry, a death of the poet that is the life of the poetry, if only as that which is in mourning for the poet. The impersonality of Plath’s later poetry is not arrived at through an ethical self-sacrifice of the poet’s empirical, autobiographical self in the interests of a universal validity, a kind of immortality or proof against death. Rather, it is an impersonality in which there is a highly paradoxical and unstable relation between poet and poetry. 8 A Birthday Present (1962) is another dramatic monologue in which terror and death predominate. The persona longs to know the gift presented by his friend. The speaker, her friend, and the object talk to each other in the kitchen. She imagines that the present may be bones, a pearl button, and an ivory tusk. Each of these things has white colour and suggests the nature of the birthday present that she wants. The three white objects—bones, pearl, and ivory tusk—all suggest death because they were once part of living organisms. The persona speaks of the veils around the present. In order to remove the concealing veil, which causes her anxiety and fear, the speaker demands an end to the screening off of death from view. She compares her life at the end of the poem to the arrival by mail of parts of her own corpse. At the end, the speaker demands as her birthday present not the previously mentioned symbols of death or the figure representing death, but death itself: 9 If it were death I would admire the deep gravity of it, its timeless eyes. I would know you were serious. There would be a nobility then, there would be a birthday. And the knife not carve, but enter Pure and clean as the cry of a baby, And the universe slide from my side. (II. 52-58) The poem dramatizes her birthday to be her death. The drama of A Birthday Present is frightening in its transformation of a domestic and happy occasion into a celebration of suicide. It captures the movement of the speakers mind as she throws herself into the sequence of steps that might lead her to kill herself. Plaths second perspective towards death is that it may be chosen by the individual himself as a means of self-destruction, rather than acting as a horrible exterminating force. The poetess aims to show the suffering and agony of the persona in selecting death as a means of liberation of the antagonistic world of the person. This perspective is reflected in Plaths Edge, which was written on 5 February 1963 and is thought to be Plath’s last poem. According to Seamus Heaney, one of the biographers of Plath, the poem was a suicide note, which is to say an entirely personal, autobiographical communication from a distressed melancholic woman. For this reason, the poem is limited by the literal death of the poet, a death that cannot help but be read back into the poem. 10 This death is a negativity that renews, and works within an economy of life. This is not just an imaginary death, but death as a figure for the imagination itself, as a negativity that may be harnessed in the interests of life. This poem carries the reader not only to the very limit of life, but also to the limit of poetry. And yet, if in this poem the woman is ‘perfected’, it is through a death that takes the form of an aesthetic object, but in which the emphasis none the less falls very much on illusion. The speaker in this poem doesn’t endure the anguish of his life and feels that his misery is over: The illusion of a Greek necessity Flows in the scrolls of her toga Her bare Feet seem to be saying: We have come so far, it is over. (II. 4-8) The bare feet symbolize the lack of protection and immunity. The tone looks submissive but it indicates the willingness to accept death as an outlet and escape of the aggressive world. The persona feels alienated in the world around him. No one cares for the personas death even the moon, The moon has nothing to be sad about/ Staring from her hood of bone. Therefore, she starts looking for something beyond death, which is the longing for perfection. Usually roses symbolize purity, so she compares her folding of the dead bodies of children as petals of a rose close. Therefore she thinks that through death, she will have a new beginning. 11 Death as a means of rebirth is reflected in Plaths I Am Vertical. She sets images taken from nature as a background of her poem. This use of nature as a setting for her poem shows death not as a horrible monstrous thing. She presented two fruitful lively images of nature and then she negates her alikeness to them: I am not a tree with my root in the spoil Sucking up minerals and motherly love So that each March I may gleam into leaf, Nor am I the beauty of a garden bed Attracting my share of Ahs and spectacularly painted, Unknowing I must soon unpetal. (II. 2-7) The persona feels rejection of the surroundings when the trees and flowers have been strewing their cool odours. I walk among them, but none of them are noticing. This represents the negligence of society and the social restraints that the individual feels. each March I may gleam into leaf suggests the continuity of life and regeneration. She is longing to be united with nature via death; the nature that symbolizes serenity and tranquility, Then the sky and I are in open conversation. The word sky gives death the sense of spirituality and elevation. The speaker is not satisfied in her life and she accepts death as a means for recognition: And I shall be useful when I lie down finally: Then the trees may touch me for once, and the flowers have time for me. (II. 19-20) Plaths life is ended in a world of death and despondency from which there is no rebirth or transformation.

What Is Elitism And Anti Elitism Politics Essay

What Is Elitism And Anti Elitism Politics Essay Elites derive from a fundamental and universal fact of social life, namely, the absence in any large collectivity of a robust common interest. While it is true that most large collectivities rest on a base of social and cultural understandings, these tend to be ambiguous and rough. The satisfactions some of their members seek are only partly compatible with the satisfactions sought by other members. Members constantly claim statuses and other valued goods for themselves, their kin, friends, and allies that other members do not accept as fully legitimate. Acceding to these claims is often more a matter of judging that it is dangerous or inexpedient to resist them than of recognizing that the persons and groups making the claims have some right to do so. In large collectivities common interest is fairly minimal and must always be supplemented by authoritative decisions that dissenters and opponents dare not or find it inexpedient to resist. Elites may be defined as persons who, by virt ue of their strategic locations in large or otherwise pivotal organizations and movements, are able to affect political outcomes regularly and substantially. Put differently, elites are persons with the organized capacity to make real political trouble without being promptly repressed. They consist not only of prestigious and established leaders top politicians, important businessmen, high-level civil servants, senior military officers but also, in varying degrees in different societies, relatively transitory and less individually known leaders of mass organizations such as trade unions, important voluntary associations, and politically consequential mass movements. Counter-elites are subsumed by this definition because they clearly have the organized capacity, although perhaps mainly through negation, to affect political outcomes regularly and substantially. It is important to stress that this is a limited and specifically political definition of elites. It is restricted to perso ns who are at the top of the pyramid or pyramids of political, economic, and social power (Putnam, 1976). It does not consider all those in a society who enjoy high occupational, educational, or cultural statuses to be elites in a political sense. As defined, national political elites are not large in number. Geraint Parry (1969/2005) has observed that the entire British elite could be seated with ease in a soccer stadium. Using strict organizational and positional criteria, as well as data about sizes of elite networks, some researchers have estimated that the national political elite in the United States numbers perhaps ten thousand persons (Dye, 2002), maybe half this number in medium-sized countries like France (Dogan, 2003), Australia (Higley, Deacon Smart, 1979) or Germany (Hoffmann-Lange, 1992), and about fifteen hundred in small countries like Denmark (Christiansen, Mà ¶ller Togeby, 2001) and Norway (Gulbrandsen and Engelstad, 2002). This last estimate of fewer than two t housand persons is probably the most plausible for all countries during the early modern historical period and all but the most populous developing countries today Elitism: Elitism is the belief or attitude that those individuals who are considered members of the elite a select group of people with outstanding personal abilities, intellect, wealth, specialized training or experience, or other distinctive attributes are those whose views on a matter are to be taken the most seriously or carry the most weight; whose views and/or actions are most likely to be constructive to society as a whole; or whose extraordinary skills, abilities or wisdom render them especially fit to govern [1]. Alternatively, the term elitism may be used to describe a situation in which power is concentrated in the hands of the elite. Opposed to elitism are anti-elitism, populism, and the political theory of pluralism. Elite theory is the sociological or political science analysis of elite influence in society elite theorists regard pluralism as a utopian ideal. Elitism may also refer to situations in which an elite individual assumes special privileges and responsibilities in t he hope that this arrangement will benefit humanity. At times, elitism is closely related to social class and what sociologists call social stratification. Members of the upper classes are sometimes, though inaccurately, known as the social elite. The term elitism is also sometimes misused to denote situations in which a group of people claiming to possess high abilities or simply an in-group or cadre grant themselves extra privileges at the expense of others. This debased form of elitism may be described as discrimination (1) The belief: that government ought in principle, always and everywhere, to be confined to elites. Rarely a worked-out doctrine in its own right, more often a piece of unexamined value judgement, or a view which follows from some more general argument in political philosophy, as for example in Platos Republic. (2) The belief: that government is in practice confined to elites; that, following a maxim of Hume, ought implies can (in other words, that there is no point in saying that government ought to be controlled by the people if in practice it cannot); and that we might just as well accept what we are bound to have anyhow. These views are especially associated with Mosca and with Pareto in the early twentieth century, and with Schumpeter in mid-century. All three writers shade into elitism in sense 1 because they go on to produce normative justifications of rule by elites in a democracy. However, their earlier arguments do not in themselves imply that if democratic control of the government were somehow achievable it would be undesirable. (3) The belief: that government is in practice confined to elites; that this has often been justified by arguments from Plato or Schumpeter; but that this is undesirable because elite rule is in practice rule on behalf of the vested interests of (usually economic) elites. Defining of elite (Elitism): There is no single definition of the concept of elite. What the literature reflects is divergent array of definition of the term. The lack of a unified meaning of elite emanates from the scope an limit of those include in the spectrum of elite rank, given the universality of the accepted meaning of the term itself. Therefore, various definitions arise and different models and constructs develop as frames of analysis. Despite the differences in definitions, all elite theorists seem to agree on one thing: the powerful position of a small group of individuals or groups who either shape or influence decisions that affect national outcomes. Thus, all actors occupying key positions in the political, economic, military, governmental, cultural, and administrative institutions and organizations are considered members of the elite because they affect the national outcomes. According to Mosca (1939), In all societies, from less developed to the most advanced, tow classes of people appear, a class that rules and a class that is ruledà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ The class that rules is few, whereas the more numerous class, is directed at and controlled by the first, in a manner that is now more or less legal, now more or less arbitrary and violent. (50) The few elites acquire a stake in preserving the organization and their position in it. This motive gives leaders a perspective different from that of the organizations members. An elite is then inevitable in any social organization Dye an zeigler,1993: 2-3) To Michels (1959), he who says organization, says oligarchy (70), and government is always government by the few, whether in the name of the few, the one, or the many(Lasswell and Lerner, 1952:7) According to Gwen Moore (1979), the term political elite refer to persons who by virtue of their institutional positions have a high potential to influence national policy making therefore, it includes politicians, government officials, and the leaders of various interest groups, which attempt to influence the allocation of values in socity(Moore,1979;see also Parry, 1969:13) more clearly, Higley and Burton (1989) define national elites as persons who are able, by virtue of their authoritative positions in powerful organizations and movements of whatever kind, to affect national political outcomes regularly and substantially(18) In defense of elite theory, and signifying the importance of the organizational context of elites, Higley, Burton, and Field (1973) maintain that they have consistently followed Weber and Movement leaders are elites only to the extent that the movements are bureaucratically structured and thus powerful on a sustained basis. Those leaders then can affect political outcomes regularly and substantially (Higley, Burton, and Field, 1990) Dogan and Higley (1996) define elites as the few hundred or at most few thousand persons who head the major institutions, organizations, and movements in a society and who are therefore able to impel or impede political decisions on a regular basis. Elites consist, therefore, of the top leaders of political parties, governmental bureaucracies, large and /or pivotally located business firms and large unions, the military, the media, professional, religious, educational, and other major organizations, as well as the leaders of powerful interest groups and mass movements. Because these definitions are too broad, inclusive, and confusing, they are subject to interpretations and challenges, such as the one offered by Alan Knight (1996) in his extensive and provocative analysis of elite theory. To Hunter (1959), elites are the top leaders who shape and control the power structure, whereas to Mills (1956), they are the power elite, Composed of men whose positions enable them to transcend the ordinary environments of ordinary men and women: they are in positions to make decisions having major consequences Whether they do or do not make such decisions is less important than the fact that they do occupy such pivotal positions: their failure to act, their failure to make decisions, is itself an act that is often of greater consequence than the decisions they do make, for they are in command of the major hierarchies and organizations of modern society. They run the big corporations. They run the machinery of the state and claim its prerogatives. They direct the military establishment. They occupy the strategic command posts of the social structure, in which are now centered the effective means of the power and the wealth and the celebrity which they enjoy. The power elite are not solitary rulers. Advisors and consultants, spokesmen and opinion makers, are often the captains of their higher thought and decision. Imme diately below the elite are the professional politicians of the middle levels of power, in the Congress and in the pressure groups, as well as among the new and old upper classes of town and city and region Mills definition of the concept of power elite is both clear and comprehensive in that it includes not only the macro elites, but also the micro elites who operate the organizations and institutions controlled by the power elite. This view is shared by the more contemporary elite theorists who focus in their studies on interlocking organizational networks of the elites. Despite the common tenets emphasized in these definitions, the following perspectives on elite theory may be discerned. Types of Elite: Following the ideas of Machiavelli, he distinguished two main types of elite group: a. Lion elites who were able to rule by force (for example, military regimes). b. Fox elites who were able to rule by manipulation (for example, liberal democratic regimes) Characteristics of the elite Attributes that identify elite vary; personal achievement may not be essential. Elite attributes include: Rigorous study of, or great accomplishment within, a particular field of study A long track record of competence in a demanding field An extensive history of dedication and effort in service to a specific discipline (e.g., medicine or martial arts) A high degree of accomplishment, training or wisdom within a given field An elite fighter, for example, is one whose training, resolve, and experience in combat place him at the top of his field. Most nations employ some kind of Special Forces made up of elite soldiers whose training goes far beyond what is typical for the average soldier. The academic elite, on the other hand, comprises only those professors whose studies are likely to shape their respective disciplines for years to come. One synonym for elite might be world class, indicating that the individual in question is capable of participating effectively at the very highest levels of his or her chosen discipline. Anti-elitism Elitism as a pejorative term The term elitism or the title elitist can be used resentfully [2] by a person who is not a member of an elite, or is a member but resents the elite position or uses it in a condescending or cynical manner in order to ridicule or criticize practices which discriminate on the basis of ability or attributes. Often, accusing someone of being an elitist is used as a pejorative remark meant to imply that the person in question does not in fact belong to an elite, but is merely a hanger-on. Sometimes, particularly in political circles, it is used simply as a generic insult, with little to no literal basis for the terms use beyond a general animosity towards the target. Elitism versus egalitarianism Elitism can be interpreted as encouraging the exclusion of large numbers of people from positions of privilege or power. Thus, many populists seek the social equality of Egalitarianism, Populism, Socialism, or Communism. They may also support affirmative action, social security, luxury taxes, and increasingly high progressive taxes for the wealthiest members of society. All of these measures seek to reduce the gap of power between the elite and those who are not elite. Elitism versus pluralism Pluralism is the belief that public policy decisions should be (or, descriptively, are) the result of the struggle of forces exerted by large populations (workers, consumers, retirees, parents, etc.) directly or indirectly in the policy-making process. This is contrasted with elitism which is the belief that decisions should be (or are) being made essentially according to the interests or ideas of elites. There is a difference, however, between the idea of being more able to fulfill a political task and the actual knowing of the specialization and specifications of each corporation or other group among the general population and its particular hopes and needs, which suggests a way of cooperation which has been recently put into practice in some countries between politicians and groups of citizens which have some remote resemblances to Corporatism. Elitism and education Elitism in the context of education is the practice of concentrating attention on or allocating funding to the students who rank highest in a particular field of endeavor, with the other students being deemed less capable of achievement or as holding less promise for the societys future. For example, a politician who promotes specialized biochemistry classes for highly intelligent students in an effort to cure diseases might be accused of elitism. Elitism in education could be based upon learning ability, knowledge, or other abilities. An elite school could merely be a wealthy school or an old school. Power elite: A Power Elite, in political and sociological theory, is a small group of people who control a disproportionate amount of wealth, privilege, and access to decision-making of global consequence. The term was coined by Charles Wright Mills in his 1956 book, The Power Elite. The Power Elite (1956) describes the relationship between political, military, and economic elite (people at the pinnacles of these three institutions), noting that these people share a common world view, 1) the military metaphysic- a military definition of reality, possess 2) class identity- recognizing themselves separate and superior to the rest of society, have 3) interchangeability: i.e. the move within and between the three institutional structures and hold interlocking directorates 4) cooptation/socialization: of prospective new members is done based on how well they clone themselves socially after such elite. Further these elite in the big three institutional orders have an uneasy alliance based upon their co mmunity of interests driven by the military metaphysic, which has transformed the economy into a permanent war economy. In critical work, the US Power elite consists of members of the Business/Corporate Community, Academia, politicians, media editors, military service personnel, and high-profile journalists. From here on, a general form of consensus building and homogenesing of elite members views is eventually achieved. Social Structure forming Power Elite the American way and the American Dream can be defined as that dream of a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement. It is a difficult dream for the European upper classes to interpret adequately, and too many of us ourselves have grown weary and mistrustful of it. It is not a dream of motor cars and high wages merely, but a dream of social order in which each man and each woman shall be able to attain to the fullest stature of which they are innately capable, and be recognized by others for what they are, regardless of the fortuitous circumstances of birth or position ([James Truslow Adams, The Epic of America]). However, it has been argued that a relatively fixed group of privileged Americans shape our economy and government solely because of their higher wealth and social status. This idea goes against the original American way, and begins a new one. This new American way involves a fixed group of Americans, called the power elite. The power elite stems from many groups forming into one: Corporate Community: This group includes rich corporations, banks and agribusinesses. These tend to dominate the federal government in Washington. Growth Coalitions: This group includes real estate, construction and land development companies. These tend to dominate the local governments. Both the corporate communities and growth coalitions sometimes will have conflicting ideas and competition between each other over profits and investment opportunities. However, they tend to have the same policies affecting their general welfare. These groups have the ability to organize and defend their interests due to their large wealth and income. The owners and managers of these large income producing properties hold a great share of all of the income and wealth in the US. This is more than any other industrial democracy (they are 1% of the entire US population). By holding this share of income, these groups clearly create the dominating class in the US. This dominating class has name of its own: Corporate Rich: This group becomes more of a common social group. They belong to the same social clubs, they vacation at the same summer and winter resorts and they send their children to the same private schools. They create the [social upper class]. Place Entrepreneurs: This group tends to be filled with members of the growth coalition. They sell locations and buildings. By doing this, they become the local upper class in their respective cities. Because of this, they tend to mingle with the corporate rich in vacation/resort settings or educational settings. Policy Formation Network: This group tends to be filled with members from both the corporate rich and the place entrepreneurs/growth coalition. They develop and direct non-profit organizations, charity foundations and policy discussion groups. As these non-profit groups join at a national level, they are able to create policies for local communities and national level city development organizations. All of these group s take a part in creating the ultimate power elite, the leadership group for the corporate rich as a whole. Power Elite: This group tends to have corporate owners join with top level executives in the corporate community and the policy formation network. This group tends to be the wealthiest in the US and use this group title to create policies for the US to use on a national level. However, it is clear that not all people in the power elite group are involved in governance. Some simply enjoy the lifestyle wealth can bring. Characteristics of the Power Elite: According to C. Wright Mills, among the best known power-elite theorists, the governing elite in the United States draws its members from three areas: (1) the highest political leaders including the president and a handful of key cabinet members and close advisers; (2) major corporate owners and directors; and (3) high-ranking military officers. Even though these individuals constitute a close-knit group, they are not part of a conspiracy that secretly manipulates events in their own selfish interest. For the most part, the elite respects civil liberties, follows established constitutional principles, and operates openly and peacefully. It is not a dictatorship; it does not rely on terror, a secret police, or midnight arrests to get its way. It does not have to, as we will see. Nor is its membership closed, although many members have enjoyed a head start in life by virtue of their being born into prominent families. Nevertheless, those who work hard, enjoy good luck, and demonstrate a willingness to adopt elite values do find it possible to work into higher circles from below. If the elite do not derive its power from repression or inheritance, from where does its strength come? Basically it comes from control of the highest positions in the political and business hierarchy and from shared values and beliefs. Elite approach in politics: Those who disagree with pluralism such as C. Wright Mills argue that a few people in all societies manipulate the levers of government to their benefit. As a review of the pluralist approach, Elite theory suggests that focus should not be on individuals and the freely formed groups based on interests but that society breaks down into two groups the few on top who hold power and rule (the ones Plato referred to as philosopher kings) or the Oligarchy The many below who are governed by them. Elite theory acknowledges that human society is not all the same and that the differences among people in society make elite rule or the rule of the oligarchy inevitable elites straddle both the public and private realms. For example different political elites and corporate elites become bureaucratic elites over time and influence the direction of state policies in their different public and private capacities elites of different groups in society political, corporate, workers, ethnic, regional, an d other groups of common bond tend to find what is called Elite Accommodation elites also tend to reproduce them selves as they come to rely on each other for advice and action. They come to share a common world view and defend their common interests some have suggested that the state elites can become autonomous from society through this process of elite accommodation. What emerges is what is called the Embedded Stat Critics of elite theory have pointed to it over-emphasis of the cohesion of the elites or oligarchy and lack of attention to the competition within the ruling elites. Further, that in modern society political constraints makes it impossible for rulers to ignore the interests of the masses. Elite approach focuses on elites domination of political life with an alienated majority accepting their role in society, while the class analysis approach suggests that social classes arise in society because of the nature of the organization of the economy and exist in antagonism against each other Elite theory: Elite theory is a theory of the state which seeks to describe and explain the power relationships in modern society. It argues that a small minority, comprised of members of the economic elite and policy-planning networks, hold the most power no matter what happens in elections in a country. Through positions in corporations or on corporate boards, and influence over the policy-planning networks through financial support of foundations or positions with think tanks or policy-discussion groups, members of the elite are able to have significant power over policy decisions of corporations and governments. The theory stands in opposition to pluralism in suggesting that democracy is a utopian ideal. It also stands in opposition to state autonomy theory. Classical and New Elite Theory Although the idea probably always has been present in some form, elitism emerged as a recognizable and clearly defined part of Western political thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The leading contributors to the theory were Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, and Robert Michels. These writers attacked classical democratic thought and also Aristotle and Karl Marx. Majority rule, they insisted, is impossible. Every society is divided into those who rule and those who are ruled; and the rulers constitute only a small minority of any society. Aristotles classification, which divided political systems into three types (rule by one, rule by a few, and rule by the many), does not fit reality either, for no man is capable of ruling by himself, and the many, too, lack the ability to govern. It is the few, under any political system, who exercise effective control. And Marx, with his emphasis on a class struggle that in the end (following the victory of the working class ) leads to social harmony in a classless society, was also wrong. History features a continuing struggle among elites. That struggle will never end, and a classless society cannot be created. Moreover, to the pioneers in the development of elitist theory, Marx placed too much emphasis on economics and not enough on politics, which could be autonomous. Classical elitist theory did not maintain merely that the active, socially recognizable people in a country made its important decisions-whether from within offices of government, from somewhere behind the scenes, or from completely outside the state apparatus. It emphatically asserted that the common man, however numerous within a society in absolute or relative terms, did not. Analysts of elites, who generally focus on the distribution of power rather than on the allocation of values, or on property and other wealth forms, differ somewhat over the degree of participation in government or, more generally, the political process that is necessary for a member of the elite accurately to be judged a member of what Mosca characterizes as the ruling class. A societys elite is usually thought to be a stable entity, self-sustaining and constant over time. Yet the actual group that is in office can change markedly and very quickly. The concept of an elite therefore may need to be understood as encompassing all those who might govern as well as those who in fact do govern. However elite is precisely understood, elitist theory is clear in the basic point that a minority, rather than the masses, controls things. The general population of a country-the common man-is ineffective. Even in societies with elections and other democratic mechanisms, it is posited, the ruling elite functions in a way that is largely independent of control by a popular majority. However, it made need a justifying doctrine. That the elite ordinarily functions according to a political formula, in Moscas term, is what makes its rule effective and acceptable to the masses Thus, in theory, there can be a democratic elitism, however paradoxical that may seem. A new elite paradigm, building on the work of Mosca and other classical theorists, emerged in the 1980s and 1990s among comparative political sociologists. It drew attention to the occurrence, and the important effects, of divisions that may arise within the elite of a society. Its central proposition, as stated by John Higley and Michael Burton (1989), is as follows: A disunified national elite, which is the most common type, produces a series of unstable regimes that tend to oscillate between authoritarian and democratic forms over varying intervals. A consensually unified national elite, which is historically much rarer, produces a stable regime that may evolve into a modern democracy, as in Sweden, or Britain, or the United States, if economic and other facilitative conditions permit. In the United States, normally, internal and external conditions have favored consensual unity within the nations elite. Of course, the American Revolution and, later, the Civil War, are the major exceptions to this generalization. During those periods, divisions ran so deep as to produce counter-elites. As the political sociologist Barrington Moore, Jr., and the political historian C. Vann Woodward have shown, the reconciliation between North and South that occurred following post-Civil War Reconstruction was in significant part a result of a complex bargain between the elites in formerly opposed geographical sections. After the late nineteenth century, issues of foreign policy have on occasion divided the American elite as well. A by-product of this has been a widening of participation in the national debate over foreign policy. That this amounts to a democratization of American foreign policymaking, however, is highly disputable. Elite theorists: Wright Mills C. Wright Mills published his book The Power Elite in 1956 claiming a new perspective on systems of power in the USA. He identified a triumvirate of power groups political, economic and military who form a distinguishable, although not unified body, wielding power in the American state: He proposed that this group had been generated through a process of rationalisation at work in all advanced industrial societies where by the mechanisms of power became concentrated funnelling overall control into the hands of a limited, somewhat corrupt group (Bottomore 1993). This reflected a decline in politics as an arena for debate and relegation to a merely formal level of discourse (Mills 1956). This macro-scale analysis sought to point out the degradation of democracy in advanced societies and the fact that power generally lies outside the boundaries of elected representatives. Floyd Hunter The elite theory analysis of power was also applied on the micro scale in community power studies such as that by Floyd Hunter (1953). Hunter examined in detail the power relationships evident in his Regional City looking for the real holders of power rather than those in obvious official positions. He posited a structural-functional approach which mapped the hierarchies and webs of interconnection operating within the city mapping relationships of power between businessmen, politicians, clergy etc. The study was promoted to debunk current concepts of any democracy present within urban politics and reaffirm the arguments for a true representative democracy (Hunter 1953). This type of analysis was also used in later, larger scale, studies such as that carried out by M. Schwarz examining the power structures within the sphere of the corporate elite in the USA (Schwarz 1987). James Burnham James Burnhams early work The Managerial Revolution sought to express the movement of all functional power into the hands of managers rather than politicians or businessmen separating ownership and control (Bottomore 193). Many of these id

Archetypes Essay -- essays research papers fc

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  4tH Quarter Paper  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are many archetypical symbols used in hundreds of works, new and old. Some of these symbols include: war, peace, love, nature, birds, mountains, and darkness. These symbols have deep meaning which help embellish a certain work. They also help the reader to better understand the theme or plot of a work. They are used freely and abundantly in most modern and pre-modern works.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The archetypical symbol of war is used symbolically as a sense of conflict or tension. It may express disbelief, or trouble. In a sense it is used to draw the reader in close. War is never looked at as a positive thing. When we think of war, we think of violence, death, destruction, heartache, cold and bitterness. This is usually what is intended by the author. Usually peace is follows. Like any work there is a rise a climax and a fall in the plot. War or conflict is usually the strongest in the climax and then the peace comes during the falling point.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the play of Hamlet war is used many times as a archetype symbol. Hamlet struggles with himself and in a way... Archetypes Essay -- essays research papers fc   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  4tH Quarter Paper  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are many archetypical symbols used in hundreds of works, new and old. Some of these symbols include: war, peace, love, nature, birds, mountains, and darkness. These symbols have deep meaning which help embellish a certain work. They also help the reader to better understand the theme or plot of a work. They are used freely and abundantly in most modern and pre-modern works.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The archetypical symbol of war is used symbolically as a sense of conflict or tension. It may express disbelief, or trouble. In a sense it is used to draw the reader in close. War is never looked at as a positive thing. When we think of war, we think of violence, death, destruction, heartache, cold and bitterness. This is usually what is intended by the author. Usually peace is follows. Like any work there is a rise a climax and a fall in the plot. War or conflict is usually the strongest in the climax and then the peace comes during the falling point.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the play of Hamlet war is used many times as a archetype symbol. Hamlet struggles with himself and in a way...

Physics of Stopping a Bike :: physics bicycle

In short brakes are a tool that turn kinetic energy into heat(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brakes). This is accomplished by applying friction in one way or another. In the case of disk brakes friction is created because the braking mechanism exerts a force on the break pads which pushes them into contact with disk. It is this contact combined with the fact that the disks are rotating that causes kinetic energy to be converted to heat. If the purpose of brakes is to convert kinetic energy into heat, then in order to know how much heat the brakes make requires that we find out how much kinetic energy there is in a moving bicycle. The important thing to know about an object that is moving on wheels is that its kinetic energy is equal to half of its mass including the wheels(Mb) multiplied by the square of its velocity(V) plus the kinetic energy in the rotating wheels. In this case I am going to assume that all of the mass of the wheels is located on the outer edge (this isn't really the case, but most of the mass is there). Then the kinetic energy of a wheel due to rotation is half of its mass(Mw) multiplied by the square of its radius(r) multiplied by the square of its angular velocity(w) multiplied by two since there are two wheels. kinetic energy of the bicycle = Â ½MbV2 + 2Â ½Mwr2w2 Since the velocity of an object rolling on wheel(s) is equal the radius of the wheel times its angular velocity we can substitute V2 in for r2w2. This substitution leaves us with: kinetic energy of the bike = V2(Mw+Â ½Mb). I mentioned on the last page that we must stop the bike by turning its kinetic energy into friction. To do this, the brakes apply a force to the disk with pads. The force of this friction is equal to the total downward force (f) that the pads put on the disk(the pads are usually on each side of the disk and crush it between them) multiplied by the coefficient of friction(u). force of friction = (f)(u) For our purposes, while a bike is coasting the only things besides pedaling that can effect its speed are the force of friction from the brakes and gravity.

Dignitatis Humanae

The issue of religious freedom from a Catholic viewpoint has always been controversial, since Catholicism is not only seen as a religion, in the historical sense, but also a great force in the political structure in the past. Dignitatis Humanae came about when the Vatican Council II faced conflicts on what model of religious freedom was to be put before the Council. Traditionalists called for religious tolerance but claimed that an abstract right to religious liberty was relativistic or simply some aspects of religious liberty are dependent on different factors and cannot attain a definite standpoint.The declaration was largely drawn from the first draft â€Å"Unity† by Cardinal Bea, the draft was part of the schema on ecumenism. These conflicts were encountered during the first session of the council. On the second session of the Council, conflict over a possible declaration on religious freedom continued. Materials used by various bishops were mainly from John Courtney Murra y’s draft. The conflict moved from arguments over the content to whether it would be voted on before the Council ends. During the third session, Declaration on Religious Liberty was approved by Theological Commission.There was an appeal that certain voting be held on the third session but the Pope decided that it be moved to the next session. The final vote was taken and promulgated on the fourth session. Many issues were raised before the voting but the Declaration’s statement of development was a key issue. There were attempts to delay the voting again, arguing that support for the current text was uncertain. The declaration was approved on October 25, 1965 with only minor amendments and was promulgated December 7 of the same year.Religious freedom is vital to man’s life, it is not just for Catholics but for all. Dignitatis Humanae is a declaration which focuses on how religious can be attained in a secular world. It’s a declaration on how different sec tors such as the government, the Church, and even individuals should interact, not just to achieve order but to elevate human dignity. In elevating human dignity, universal justice is not difficult to attain. The heart of Dignitatis Humanae is religious freedom based on human dignity through reason and divine revelation.Human dignity here means man’s very value, his nature and right to reason and his free will. Human dignity entails, since men are impelled by nature and bound by moral obligations, the search for truth, religious truth in particular. Once truth is known, man is to adhere to it and order his life in accord to its demands. The declaration points out however, that men cannot do these obligations unless they enjoy immunity from external coercion and psychological freedom. Religious freedom as a right has its foundations not in the subjective or relativistic disposition but in man’s very nature.The right to immunity does not only apply to those who adhere to the truth but even to those who do not live up to their obligation to seek for the truth, provided that just public order be observed. The declaration states that in all his activity, a man is bound to follow his conscience in order that he may come to God, and it follows that he is not to be forced to act against his conscience nor restrained from acting according to his conscience, especially when it comes to religious matters. The reason for this is that the exercise of religion consists in internal, voluntary, and free acts where man sets his life toward God.Going to the social nature of man, the declaration states that it is required that he should give external expression to his internal acts of religion: that he should profess his religion in community. Injury, as the declaration puts it, is done to the human person and to the order established by God for human life, if the free exercise of religion is denied in society, provided just order is observed. The role of the famil y, since it is a society in its own original right, has the right to freely live its own domestic religious life under the guidance of parents.Parents are given the right to determine the kind of religious education their children are to receive. As for the government, it must recognize the right of parents to make a free choice of schools and of other means of education. The rights of parents are simply violated if their children are forced to attend instructions which are not in agreement with their religious beliefs. The government should also help create conditions favorable to the fostering of religious life, to enable people to exercise their religious rights and duties, and also that the society may profit by the moral qualities of justice and peace.The care of the right to religious freedom (devolves) upon the whole citizenry, upon social groups, upon government, and upon the Church and other religious communities. Lastly, the government’s role is to see to it that eq uality of citizens before the law is not violated. Clearly, a wrong is committed when government imposes upon its people, by force or fear or other means. The declaration further states that all the more is it a violation of the will of God and the sacred rights of the person and the family of nations when force is brought to bear in any way in order to destroy religion.The right to religious freedom and its practice is subject to certain regulatory norms. In the use of all freedoms, the moral principle of both personal and social responsibility must be observed. In the exercise of their rights, individual men and social groups are bound by the moral law to have respect for the rights of others and for their own duties. In attaining religious freedom in the society, men are to deal with their fellows in justice and civility. Dignitatis Humanae is one way of proving that Catholicism is not a religion of coercion but a religion of freedom and human dignity.One of the major tenets of C atholic doctrine that man’s response to God in faith must be out of freedom or simply putting it, embracing the Christian faith is not be forced against man’s will. The means of attaining religious freedom or the very expression of it should be an imitation of how Christ taught by word and example. Christ converted men to faith not through coercion but by the power of evangelization. Christ, in His time also acknowledged the power of government and its rights. The Church is following the way of Christ in faithfulness to the truth of the Gospel.Dignitatis Humanae should serve as a guide to the Catholic laity especially in its mission of evangelization, proclaiming the Gospel and the faith itself should not be imposed to non-Catholics or non-Christians. As the declaration states, ‘†¦ where the principle of religious freedom is not only proclaimed in words or simply incorporated in law but also given sincere and practical application, there the Church succeeds in achieving a stable situation of right as well as of fact and the independence which is necessary for the fulfillment of her divine mission. ’